The fight for eastern Congo is a fight for the world’s technology

As M23 rebels take Goma and push south, the DRC faces a deepening crisis. What’s driving the conflict, and who stands to gain?

The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) remains one of the world’s most resource-rich yet chronically unstable nations. Despite vast reserves of lithium, coltan, gold and cobalt—critical to the global technology sector—the country is mired in economic exploitation, violent conflict and political turmoil.

Rwanda-backed M23 rebels have seized large areas of mineral-rich eastern DRC in an offensive that has killed thousands and displaced vast numbers. At the end of January, the group took control of Goma, the capital of North Kivu province, and is now advancing into neighbouring South Kivu in the latest chapter of decades-long unrest.

The crisis is not solely the result of governance failures but is rooted in colonial legacies, regional power struggles and global economic interests that have kept the country trapped in cycles of conflict and underdevelopment.

Colonial legacy and post-independence instability

The roots of the DRC’s instability date back to its brutal colonial past under Belgian rule (1885-1960). The country’s vast resources were exploited without regard for local governance structures or social cohesion, leaving a legacy of weak institutions and economic dependency.

After gaining independence in 1960, the nation quickly plunged into political turmoil. The assassination of its first prime minister, Patrice Lumumba – allegedly involving Western intelligence agencies – further destabilised the country, paving the way for decades of autocratic rule under Mobutu Sese Seko.

During the Cold War, Mobutu, an ally of the United States and Europe, maintained control through repression and patronage, allowing foreign corporations to exploit the country’s mineral wealth in exchange for political and financial support.

But with the collapse of the Soviet Union and growing internal dissent, Mobutu’s regime crumbled, triggering the First Congo War (1996-1997) and later the Second Congo War (1998-2003), often dubbed the “Great African War” due to the involvement of multiple regional powers, including Rwanda, Uganda, Zimbabwe, and Angola.

Natural resources as a driver of conflict

The DRC’s eastern provinces, bordering Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi, are among the most resource-rich and conflict-ridden regions in the world. The presence of lucrative minerals, particularly coltan (essential for smartphones and electronics) and lithium (key to electric vehicle batteries) has turned these areas into battlegrounds for both state and non-state actors.

The country holds around 70 percent of the world’s coltan reserves and significant lithium deposits, making it a focal point of global supply chains. Armed groups, often backed by regional powers, control mining operations, frequently using forced labour, including child workers.

Smuggled minerals are funnelled through neighbouring countries, particularly Rwanda and Uganda, before entering international markets and becoming key components of global technology products.

Despite international efforts – including the 2010 U.S. Dodd-Frank Act’s conflict mineral provisions – illegal mining remains rampant. Foreign corporations and middlemen continue to profit from the chaos, often sourcing minerals without stringent due diligence on their origins.

The resurgence of the M23 rebellion

The recent capture of Goma, the capital of North Kivu province, by the March 23 Movement (M23) highlights the complex interplay of domestic and regional conflicts in the DRC.

Formed in 2012, M23 is primarily composed of ethnic Tutsi defectors from the Congolese army, with alleged backing from Rwanda. The group briefly took control of Goma in 2012 before a peace deal was signed in 2013. However, M23 resurfaced in 2021, citing the Congolese government’s failure to honour its commitments.

Renewed fighting has triggered a humanitarian crisis, displacing over two million people – 400,000 of whom fled their homes in January 2025 alone. Rwanda has been widely accused of supporting M23 by providing arms, training, and even direct military involvement, despite Kigali’s repeated denials.

Multiple United Nations reports and independent investigations have pointed to Rwandan support for the rebel group, straining Rwanda’s relations with the DRC. In response, the Congolese government has sought military assistance from Uganda and Burundi to counter M23’s advances.

Meanwhile, reports indicate Rwanda has hired Romanian mercenaries at rates of $US5,000 to $US8,000 per month to bolster its military capabilities, underscoring the international dimensions of the conflict.

MONUSCO: A costly yet ineffective peacekeeping mission

The United Nations Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO) remains one of the largest and most expensive peacekeeping operations. Yet, its effectiveness has been widely criticised.

Many Congolese view MONUSCO as failing to protect civilians or address the root causes of the conflict.Local protests have erupted, demanding its withdrawal, citing corruption allegations and inaction in the face of armed group attacks

Western nations and multinational corporations reliant on Congolese minerals have also come under scrutiny. Despite efforts to promote ethical sourcing, reports suggest supply chains remain deeply entangled with conflict minerals.

The United States, China, and the European Union continue to engage with both Congolese and regional actors to secure access to strategic resources, often prioritising economic interests over stability and human rights concerns.

The murder of Ambassador Luca Attanasio: A symbol of ongoing insecurity

February 22 marks the fourth anniversary of the assassination of Italian Ambassador Luca Attanasio, killed in 2021 alongside his bodyguard, Vittorio Iacovacci, and driver, Mustapha Milambo, while delivering humanitarian aid near the Rwandan border. The circumstances surrounding their deaths remain unresolved, with conflicting reports about the perpetrators and their motives.

Attanasio’s killing underscores the extreme dangers faced by diplomats, aid workers, and civilians in eastern Congo, where lawlessness prevails and armed groups operate with impunity.

The hope for a different future for the DRC

Achieving lasting peace in the DRC requires a comprehensive approach that strengthens regional diplomacy, improves governance, and addresses economic challenges.

Resolving tensions between the DRC and Rwanda is crucial to curbing support for armed groups, with regional organisations such as the African Union and the East African Community playing a greater role in facilitating dialogue and enforcing peace agreements. At the same time, the Congolese government must reinforce regulatory frameworks, enhance transparency in the mining sector, and promote economic diversification to reduce reliance on resource exports.

Ensuring accountability for human rights violations is equally vital. Both local and international actors must commit to holding perpetrators of war crimes responsible, including governments supporting armed groups and multinational corporations benefiting from illicit mineral trade.

Additionally, greater investment in education, healthcare, and infrastructure could create alternative livelihoods, reducing the appeal of armed groups for marginalised communities. Regional and international actors, including major donors, must also ensure accountability for Rwanda and Uganda’s involvement in the DRC.

The prioritisation of strategic and economic interests over the well-being of millions of Congolese has fuelled a cycle of instability and violence dating back to the era of King Leopold II of Belgium a century and a half ago. Breaking this cycle is difficult, but not impossible.

Prof. Beatrice Nicolini holds a Ph.D. in History of Africa from Siena University, Italy, and has degrees in International Relations and Comparative Government from Harvard University, U.S.A., and Political Sciences from the Catholic University, Milan, Italy, where she currently serves as a Full Professor of History and Institutions of Africa; Religions, Conflicts, and Slavery; and Indian Ocean World, Faculty of Political and Social Sciences.

Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info™.